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Please register at the…. This event is online only. Learn the basics of working with spreadsheets using Microsoft Excel. In short, Merleau-Ponty is silent on the twofold social genesis of the subjective and objective structures of the game.
As a generative spontaneity which asserts itself in the improvised confrontation with endlessly renewed situations, it follows a practical logic, that of the fuzzy, of the more-or-less, which defines the ordinary relation to the world.
One must be careful here not to confuse Merleau-Ponty’s notion of field, which merely denotes the soccer playground terrain in French and has no theoretical status, with Bourdieu’s concept champ.
For this it is better that its concepts be polymorphic, supple, and adaptable, rather than defined, calibrated, and used rigidly. If, on the other hand, I work to efface everything that is likely to reveal my origins, or See “The Devil of Analogy” Bourdieu b: for a passionate argument against excessive logic and against the pursuit of anthropological coherence where it dues not exist.
As Don Levine has argued, “the toleration of ambiguity can be productive if it is taken not as a warrant for sloppy thinking but as an invitation to deal rr ponsibly with issues of great complexity.
To those who complain that his concepts are “blurred” e. The conceptual dyad of habitus and field also suggests a possible way out of the recurring aporias and built-in weaknesses of “role theory” Wacquant b. Such is the paradox of the dominated and there is no way out of it” Bourdieu a: But Bourdieu does not stop at pointing out the collaboration of the dominated to their own exclusion and subordination.
He explains this collusion in a manner that avoids the naive psychologism or essen- tialism of La Boetie’s “voluntary servitude. If it is fitting to recall that the dominated always contribute to their own domination, it is necessary at once to be reminded that the dispositions which incline them to this complicity are also the effect, embodied, of domination. It is lodged deep inside the socialized body.
In truth, it expresses the “somatization of social relations of domination” Bourdieu i. It should be clear by now that those who understand Bourdieu’s economy of practice as a generalized theory of economic determinism e.
First, they inject into the What he disputes is that they do so in the conscious, systematic, and intentional’ in short, intellectuaHst manner expostulated by rational-choice theorists.
He insists to the contrary that deliberate decision making or rule following “is never but a makeshift aimed at covering up the misfirings of habitus” Bourdieu Bourdieu is at pains to emphasize that his economy of practice is leither intentionalist nor utilitarian.
As argued above, he is staunchly jpposed to the finalism of philosophies of consciousness that situate he mainspring of action in the voluntaristic choices of individuals. First to break with Zuckerman similarly reads Bourdieu’s sociology of science as an analysis of “the self-interest and calculations of how best to Mirvive the competition for resources and rewards” my emphasis.
For each field fills the empty bottle of interest with a different wine. People are “pre-occupied” by certain future outcomes inscribed in the present they encounter only to the extent that their habitus sensitizes and mobilizes them to perceive and pursue them. It must construct “total social facts” Mauss 47 that preserve the fundamental unity of These alternatives have no function other than to provide a justification for the vacuous and resounding abstractions of theoreticism and for the falsely rigorous observations of.
This concept is useful in suggesting the need to shed narrow, idlv compartmentalized observational approaches, but can itself become dangerous ;n it fosters a kind of loose “hdlisirA-used as a cover for lack of rigorous construc- 1 of the object.
Bourdieu echoes a warning sounded by Mills some thirty years ago: “Those in the grip of methodological inhibition often refuse to say anything about modem society unless it has been through the fine little mill of The Statistical Ritual.
Thus he openly asserts his “absolute rejection of the sectarian rejection of this or that method of research. It would likewise reveal that the vom of many methodologists for anything that strays in the slightest manner from the r. As is frequently the case in large-scale research projects in the United States, where graduate students can turn out to be the only ones to have any direct contact wiih the object of research of the professors they work for.
By contrast, to this day, lieu conducts much of the field observation, interviewing, and technical analysis i o into his writings himself. The account of the organization and implementation massive study through surveys, in-depth interviews, ethnography, archival rec- ion of elite schools that he and his collaborators conducted in the s and s dieu a: gives a very good idea of the practical translation of Bourdieu’s iple of methodological vigilance.
For a very interesting empirical study of the discrepancies, created by the social distance between quantitative meth- gists and interviewers, between what the former think is done in a survey and the latter actually do in the field in the main French survey institute, see Peneff see Merllie for another illustration.
Wacquant the scientist who “creates” and the technician who “applies” routine procedures. This hierarchy is devoid of epistemological justification and must therefore be jettisoned. Like method, theory properly conceived should not be severed from the research work that nourishes it and which it continually guides and structures. Just as he rehabilitates the practical dimension of practice as an object of knowledge, Bourdieu wishes to recover the practical side of theory as a knowledge-producing activity.
What he stands poised against is theoretical work done for its own sake, or the institution of theory as a separate, self-enclosed, and self-referential realm of discourse— what Kenneth Burke labels “logoi- ogy,” that is, “words about words. Everything that can be said about it, when it is considered abstractly, is reduced to generalities so vague that they could have no influence on the intellectual regime. Bourdieu’s con- tEption of the relation of theory and research thus differs also from that of Giddens a.
Alexander While he would in principle likely support their stated intent, Bourdieu believes that social theory has little to expect from ventures in “theoretical logic” that are not grounded in a concrete research practice. It remains a rhetorical exercise as long 1as it is not part of a reflection on “actually existing” scientific practice I aimed at changing its social organization. Sica Most of these articles are either openly theoryless.
Moreover, practitioners of one or another specialty tend to inhabit different inte! I could not be content with reading left-wing newspapers or signing petitions; I had to do something as a scientist. Technological wizardry and conceptual logomachy that hide the lack ut rigorous construction of the object and the adoption of com- morwense conceptions do little to advance the ” empirical science of concrete reality” of which Weber 72 spoke.
For the author of So- cial Theory and Social Structure, “there is two-way traffic between social theory and empirical research. He does not seek to connect theoretical and empirical work in a tighter And evidenced by the division of Merton’s chaps.
Everybody knows that the first question, primus inter pares, is how to get money for research. After all, technique is saleable. The Structure and Logic of Bourdieu’s Sociology I 35 manner but to cause them to interpenetrate each, other entirely.
The most ethereal of theorists cannot afford not to “sully his hands with empirical trivia” Bourdieu a: To be sure, theory will always retain a degree of epistemic primacy because, to speak like Bachelard in The New Scientific Spirit 4 , the “epis- temological vector” goes “from the rational to the real. On this point, see also.
Quine See below, part 2, sec. Indeed, there are more than a few claims to “reflexive sociology” floating about,63 and, left without further specification, the label is vague to the point of near vacuity. What is its focus, how is it to be effected, and for what purposes? I will argue that Bourdieu’s brand of reflexivity, which may be cursorily defined as the inclusion of a theory of intellectual practice as an integral component and necessary condition of a critical theory I of society, differs from others in three crucial..
Far from trying to undermine objectivity, Bourdieu’s reflex- concepts or the concern for specification, quantification, and elucidation characteristic of Merton’s theory of the middle range Sztompka Among others, those of Garfinkel and ethnomethodology, of the “ethnography as text” current in anthropology Clifford, Marcus, Tyler, etc.
Conceptions of reflexivity range from self-reference to self-aware- ness to the constitutive circularity of accounts or texts. Bloor , for instance, equates reflexivity with disciplinary self-reference when he writes: “in principle, [the] patterns of explanation [of the sociology of knowledge] would have to be applicable to sociology itself.
Subjects are said to be reflexive insofar as they are “concept-bearing animals” who possess the capacity to “turn back upon” and monitor their own actions. On the distinction between endogenous and referential reflexivity in eth- nomethodology, see the interesting piece by Pollner ; see also Collins Wacquant evolves the capacity to control and program its own development what Touraine puts under the notion of historicity.
But he finds that it comes well short of identifying the k e y filters that alter sociological This conception of the “double hermeneutic” is akin to a generalized version of Bourdieu’s notion of the “theory-effect. More recently, Giddens b: 36—45, citation on p. The “roots of sociology pass through the sociologist as a total man,” and “the question he must confront, therefore, is not merely how to work but how to live,” echoes Gouldner The first is the one singled out by v other advocates of reflexivity: the social origins and coordinates class, I gender, ethnicity, etc.
This is the most obvious bias and thus the more readily controlled one by means of mutual and self-criticism. But it is the third bias that is m ost original to Bourdieu’s underfand- P ” ing of reflexivityTThe intellectualist bias which entices us to construe l the world as a spectacle, as a set of significations to be interpreted rather than as concrete problems to be solved practically, is more pro- j found and more distorting than those rooted in the social origins or 1 location of the analyst in the academic field, because it can lead us to , miss entirely the differentia specifica of the log icof practicV Bourdieu a, e.
Wacquanl theoretical logic. The “return” it calls for extends beyond the experiencing subject to encompass the organizational and cognitive structure of the discipline. To apply to practice a mode of thinking which presupposes the bracketing of practical necessity and the use of instruments of thought constructed against practice.
Thus I disagree with Scott Lash , for whom “Bourdieu’s reflexivity seems to be rather closer to this type. If the latter is to produce and to reward reflexive scientific habi- tuses, it must in effect institutionalize reflexivity in mechanisms of training, dialogue, and critical evaluation. Correspondingly, it is the social organization of social science, as an institution inscribed in both objective and mental mechanisms, that becomes the target of transformative practice.
It is not the individual unconscious of the researcher but the epistemologi- cal unconscious of his discipline that must be unearthed: “What [has] to be done [is] not magically to abolish this distance by a spurious primitivist participation but to objectivize this objectivizing distance Textual reflexivity refers to the notion that “texts do not simply and transparently report an independent order of reality” but are themselves “implicated in the work of reality-construction” Atkinson 7.
Barnard , 71 argues that Bourdieu “has shown how ethnography can be reflexive without being narcissistic or uncritical” and offers “a way out of the cul-de-sac that ethnographers and theorists of ethnography have created for themselves. It helps produce objects in which the relation of the analyst to the object is not unwittingly projected, and that do not suffer the adulteration introduced by what he has, after John Austin, labeled the “scholastic fallacy” Bourdieu e.
Rabinow’s return on his field experiences center on the Self in his intercourse with the Other and on the moral dimension implicit in the act of penetrating a foreign cultural universe.
Fastening on the interaction of observation and participation, they evidence a nagging concern for “authenticity,” leading to the conclusion that “all cultural facts are interpretations, and multivocal ones, and that is true for both the anthropologist and for his informant” Rabinow Similarly, for Rosaldo , , , “social analysts should explore their subjects from a number of positions,” especially when individuals “belong to multiple, overlapping communities.
For an insightful comparison of Bourdieu’s and Levi-Strauss’s anthropology and of their correlative conceptions of ethnographic practice, see Barnard If reflexivity does make such a significant cognitive, as opposed to a rhetorical or existential, difference in the conduct of social inquiry, why is it not more widely practiced? Bourdieu suggests that the real sources of resistance to it are not so much epistemological as they are social.
See the progressive working out of this empirical conundrum in Bourdieu , d, a: , and a: , especially the synoptic diagram on page Wacquant resents a frontal attack on the sacred sense of individuality that is so dear to all of us Westerners, and particularly on the charismatic self- t— conception of intellectuals who like to think of themselves as undeter- I mined, “free-floating,” and endowed with a form of symbolic grace.
Again, everything inclines one to believe that, as his own theory would predict, Bourdieu’s concern for reflexivity finds its roots in his social and academic trajectory and ward manner to Bourdieu. Indeed, reviews of Homo Academicus, his main tract for, and exemplification of, epistemic reflexivity, have erred in exactly the opposite direction.
They characteristically deal with the book’s apparent object the French university, the May ’68 crisis , overlooking its deeper methodological and theoretical demonstration. The question of the futility or gratuitousness of reflexivity is addressed in Bourdieu and Wacquant and below, part 2, sec.
As Durkheim wrote in The Elementary Forms of Religious Life: “It is not at all true that we are more personal as we are more individualized. It is first a product of the structural discrepancy between his primary class habitus and that required for smooth integration into the French academic field of the s. Entering the world of intellectuals a stranger and.
Like his conception of theory Bourdieu a: 15 readily admits: “I have never been a happy member of the university and I have never experienced the amazement of the miracled oblate, even in the years of the novitiate. The impact of the Algerian war on the functioning of the French intellectual field is documented in Rioux and Sir- inelli’s collection.
In “An Aspiring Philosopher,” Bourdieu a: 17 evokes the nearly irresistible fascination exerted upon young would-be intellectuals by the towering model of the philosopher: “One became ‘philosopher’ because one had been consecrated and one was consecrated by availing oneself to the prestigious identity of the ‘philosopher. Wocquant and research, this socially constituted disposition to problematize the sociological gaze found in the the French intellectual field of the s and 60s a propicious environment in which to actualize itself.
Following a short teaching stint at the Sorbonne and at the University of Lille to which he used to commute while residing in Paris , Bourdieu was nominated in , at age 34, to the Ecole des hautes etudes en sciences sociales, at the behest of Braudel, Aron, and Levi-Strauss the back cover of his first English book, The Algerians, sported the endorsements of the latter two.
Although he is wary of its transcendentalization, he partakes wholeheartedly of the Enlightenment project of Reason: “Against this antiscientism which is the fashion of the day and which brings grist to the mill of the new ideologists, Ldefend science and even theory when it has the effect of providing a better understanding of the social world.
One does not have to choose between obscurantism and scientism. Wacquant positivism. In Bourdieu’s view, then, reason is a historical product but a highly paradoxical one in that it can “escape” history i. Essential to the latter is a watertight separation between fact and value Giddens For the author of Distinction, however, While Bourdieu shares with Foucault a caesuralist and constructivist conception of rationality and a historicist understanding of knowledge see his eulogy of Foucault entitled “The Pleasure of Knowing,” in Le Monde, June 27, , he rejects his epoche of the question of scientificity.
Here, as with the issues of “nonintentional” strategies or of power,. In keeping with the Durkheimian Tamiect Fil- loux , Bellah , Lacroix , Bourdieu is intensely concerned with the moral and political significance of sociology. Though it is hardly reducible to it, his work conveys a moral message at two levels. Bourdieu a: 47 argues that, as long as agents act on the basis of a subjectivity that is the unmediated internalization of objectivity, they cannot but remain the “apparent subjects of actions which have the structure as subject.
In Bourdieu’s eyes, the business of the sociologist is to denaturalize and to defatalize the social world, that is, to destroy the myths that cloak the exercise of power and the Freedom is not a given but a conquest, and a collective one. It is doubtful, therefore, that “Bourdieu would gladly participate in splashing the corrosive acid of deconstruction on the traditional subject,” as Rabinow asserts.
Wacquant perpetuation of domination. However, he does not hold, as Wolfe does, that sociology can provide the operative moral philosophy of advanced societies. That would be tantamount to thrusting the sociologist back into the prophetic role of the Saint Simonian “theologian of the civil religion” of modernity.
In this, Bourdieu again concurs with Elias a: 52 , for whom “scientists are destroyers of myths. The sociologist is not “a kind of terrorist inquisitor, available for all operations of symbolic policing” Bourdieu a: 8. Robert Bellah x applies this expression to Durkheim. For Alan Wolfe a: , “sociology ought to recover the moral tradition that was at the heart of the Scottish Enlightenment.
Social scientists are moral philosophers in disguise. Bourdieu a: holds that even epistemology is fundamentally political: “The theory of knowledge is a dimension of political theory because the specifically symbolic power to impose the principles of construction of reality— in particular social reality—is a major dimension of political power.
Proof is the constant encounters it has with forms of resistance and surveillance internal no less than external that threaten to chip away at its autonomy and are largely unknown in the most advanced sectors of biology or physics.
The idea of a neutral science is a fiction, and an interested fiction, which enables one to pass as scientific a neutralized and euphemized form of the dominant representation of the social world that is particularly efficacious symbolically because it is partially misrecognizable. Translation modified and emphasis added The specific dilemma of social science is that progress toward greater autonomy does not imply progress toward political neutrality.
Wacquant As the final section of the Chicago Workshop part 2, section 7 makes evident, Bourdieu does not share the fatalistic vision of the world attributed to him by those who read in his work a politically sterile hyperfunctionalism. Bourdieu does not think, as did Mosca and Pareto, the “elite theorists” of the Italian school, that the social universe is inherently and forever divided into monolithic blocs of rulers and ruled, elite and nonelite.
Besides, in each field, hierarchy is continually contested, and the very principles that undergird the structure of the field can be challenged and revoked. And the ubiquity of domination does not exclude the possibility of relative democratization. Second, Bourdieu does not hold that the social world obeys laws that are immutable.
Though Bourdieu pictures the social world as highly structured, he disagrees with the idea that it evolves “according to immanent laws, which human actions are laughably impotent to modify” Hirschman They do not express what Durkheim 64 referred to as “ineluctable necessities” but rather historical connections that can often be politically undone, provided that one gains the requisite knowledge about their social roots. Schon- berg said one day that he composed so that people could no longer write music.
No doubt Bourdieu’s most significant political intervention consists indeed in his writings, particularly those on education, culture, and intellectuals. It is parsimonious, restive and relatively low-key for example, he rarely signs petitions, compared to other major— and minor— intellectual figures. But his relentless disclosure of power and privilege in its most varied and subtlest forms, and the respect accorded by his theoretical framework to the agents who make up the social world which he so acutely dissects, give his work an implicit critical potential.
Turner presents Bourdieu to a British audience as the “current doyen of hard-left social critique and a fierce opponent of the Continental ‘philosophers’ star system. For a survey of the political involvements of French intellectuals since World War II and the central role of petitioning in them, see Ory and Sirinelli chaps.
Wacquant scientists must first constitute an autonomous and self-regulating ensemble. In point of fact, the invariants of Bourdieu’s political posture are premised on his sociological understanding of the historical genesis of intellectuals as bearers of a dominated form of capital Bourdieu d; see also Pinto b, and Charle See Bourdieu’s evocation of Sayad’s political positions in the war of Algeria which he shared in his preface to the latter’s Uimmigration, ou les paradoxes de Valterite Immigration or the Paradoxes of Otherness, Sayad Bourdieu a: 13 remembers that “Stalinist pressure was so exasperating that we had created, around , with Bianco, Comte, Marin, Derrida, Pariente, and others, a Committee for the Defense of Liberties that Le Roy Ladurie denounced in the [Communist] cell of the school.
The cover of his first book, The Algerians Bourdieu , published in the United States by Beacon Press, displayed the flag of the yet-to-be-formed Republic of Algeria. He also opted not to participate in the quasi-ritualized demonstrations that mobilized a number of prominent intellectuals around a then-aging Sartre, choosing instead less ostentatious means of action.
Emblematic of his stance of critical detachment and involvement to recall Elias’s [a] famed dyad is the action in favor of Poland that Bourdieu organized with Michel Foucault to protest the meek reaction of France’s Socialist government See in particular the diagram contrasting the ideology and the sociology of the student milieu in Bourdieu and Passeron In the manner of Karl Kraus p.
This autonomy asserts itself in the existence of institutionalized sites of regulated dialogue. See Bourdieu c. These threats include the increasing encroachment of the state and penetration of economic interests into the world of art and science; the consolidation of the large bureaucracies that manage the television, press, and radio Bourdieu, unpublished introductory editorial to Liber. Bourdieu explains the purpose of Liber thus to a British audience cited by Turner : “In tellectu als nevpr creste political Jnovemenis-but they can.
They can give authority, inr vest their cultural capital. Nowadays generally they don’t. Good minds are frightened by the media and hide in their academies. Public forums are taken over by half-intellec- tuals—like the postmodernists—who invent emotive quarrels and false problems which waste everybody’s time.
The idea of Liber is to create a safe space in order to coax good minds out of hiding and into the world again. Intellectuals tend to overestimate their abilities as individuals and to underestimate the power they might have as a class. Tiber is an attempt to bind intellectuals together as a militant force. Issues of Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales have occasionally been direct in- tellectual-political interventions: e.
These pressures push cultural producers toward a forced alternative between becoming “an expert, that is, an intellectual at the service of the dominant” or remaining “an independent petty producer in the old mode, symbolized by the professor lecturing in his ivory tower” in Bourdieu and Wacquant Yet one may find in the prefaces and tributes he has written for others admission of the kinds of stakes that motivate him.
Wacquant If I had to “sum m arize” W ittgenstein, I would say: H e made changing the self tfoeprerequisite of all changes. Wacquant: Let us begin with Homo Academitus Bourdieu a since it is a work which in many ways stands at the epicenter of your sociological project Wacquant a: One might have thought that it would be an easy book for you to write since it deals with French intellectuals, that is, a world in which you have been an actor, and a central one, for nearly three decades.
Now, on the contrary, of all your studies, Homo Atademitus appeals to be the one that has cost you most in terms of time, of thinking, of writing, and in research effort— and also I think this is revealing in terms of anxiety: you mention in the foreword your apprehension about publishing such a book, and you devote the entire opening chapter to warding off, and to guarding yourself against, a wide variety of possible misreadings.
Why so much difficulty? Reflecting on Homo Academicus shortly after its publication, Bourdieu a: writes with rare emotion: “Sociology can be an extremely powerful instrument of self- analysis which allows one better to understand what he or she is by giving one an understanding of one’s own conditions of production and of the position one occupies in the social world. One is not to construe it as a pamphlet or to use it in a self-punitive fashion.
Everybody has repeated that since Plato’s Seventh Letter, but this book did pose special problems when it came to publishing it. I was overwhelmed by the fear that the interests of my readers which, given what I write, comprise a large majority of academics would be so strong that all the work I had accomplished to prevent this kind of spontaneous reading would be swept away, and that people would bring down to the level of struggles within the aca- demic freld an analysis whose aim is to objectivize this competition and, thereby, to give the reader a certain mastery of it.
Working on such an object, one is reminded at every moment that the subject of the objectivation himself is being objectivized: the harshest and most brutally objectifying analyses are written with an acute awarenesss of the fact that they apply to he who is writing them.
I have in mind here several passages which separated me from some of my best friends. I have had— I think that this is not of merely anecdotal significance— very dramatic clashes with colleagues who perceived very accurately the violence of the objectivation but who saw a contradiction in the fact that I could objectivize without thinking of myself, while of course I was doing it all the while. In the preface to the English-language edition, I give as the main factor to explain and understand the specificity of contemporary French philosophers Foucault, Derrida, etc.
Wacquant lectual virtue out of a mundane necessity, of turning the collective fate of a generation into an elective choice. Given my trajectory and position, I cannot deny that I partake of this anti-institutional mood.
This native familiarity with the universe you study was thus an asset but also, on another level, an obstacle that you had to overturn. Is this why you base your work on such a large array of data the mere listing of the sources takes up several appendixes and yet display only a small portion of them?
It is indeed an ascetic book with regard to the use of data and with regard to writing. There is first of all an ascesis in the rhetoric of data presentation. This explains why my “invisible college” is found in part among philosophers, and why a certain form of posi- tivistic exhibitionism is no doubt unconsciously forbidden to me as pedestrian. Having said this, it is true that I have perhaps never handled more data than for that book.
This is something that is not 3. Second, there is an ascesis at the level of writing. One would need to invent a whole new language to try to convey at once the sensible and the intelligible, the percept and the concept.
Well over a thousand individuals, in fact, were interviewed in some detail. The Last Intellectuals , for the United States. See Wacquant a for further discussion of this point.
Wacquant wish is to create a language that would enable producers of discourse on the social world to escape the deadly alternative between the dry objectivist detachment of scientific accounts and the more experien- tially sensitive involvement of literary forms. To communicate, in this case, is to offer, every time it is possible, the means to replicate, practically and not only verbally, the operations that made the conquest of the truth of practices possible.
The lively format of the journal helps account for its circulation of over 8,— the largest of any social science publication in the French language—which reaches well beyond the confines of academia. Yet the book also contains excerpts from magazines, photographs and the data obtained from participation in the milieu described. However, your aim is not simply to write a monograph on the French university and its faculty, but to make a much more fundamental point about the sociological method.
I wanted to demonstrate that, contrary to the claims of those who pretend to undermine sociological knowledge or seek to disqualify sociology as a science on the grounds that sociologists necessarily adopt a socially determined point of view on the social world, sociology can escape to a degree from this historicist circle, by drawing on its knowledge of the social universe in which social science is produced to control the effects of the determinisms that operate in this universe and, at the same time, bear on sociologists themselves.
In that study, I pursue a double goal and construct a double object. So in order to bring this study to a successful issue and to publish it, I had to discover the deep truth of this world, namely, that everybody in it struggles to do what the sociologist is tempted to do. Throughout your work, you have emphasized the need for a reflexive return on the sociologist and on his or her universe of production.
You insist that it is not a form of intellectual narcissism but that it has real scientific consequences. Indeed, I believe that the sociology of sociology is a fundamental dimension of sociological epistemology. Far from being a specialty among others, it is the necessary prerequisite of any rigorous sociological practice. The Purpose o Reflexive Sociology The Chicago Workshop I 69 selves, and fail so often to realize that what their apparently scientific discourse talks about is not the object but their relation to the object.
When we say “the sociologist is inscribed in a historical context,” we generally mean the “bourgeois sociologist” and leave it at that. We must not for- jget to objectivize his position in the universe of cultural production, in this case the scientific or academic field. This subspace is yet a social space withits own l ogic, within which agents struggle over stakes of a particular kind and pursue interests that can be quite disinterested from the standpoint of the stakes in currency in the larger social universe.
As soorTas we observe theorem the social world, we introduce in our perception of it a bias due to the fact that, to study it, to describe it, to talk about it, we must retire from it more or less completely.
The upshot of this is not that theoretic knowledge is worth nothing but that we must know its limits and accompany all scientific accounts with an account of the limits and limitations of scientific accounts: theoretical knowledge owes a number of its most essential properties to the fact that the conditions under which it is produced are not that of practice.
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All Logic Pro courses. Learn some of the finer points of digital sound production with a Logic Pro X course on Udemy. Knowledgeable instructors can teach you. We offer free, daily hands-on programming to help you take your creativity further. Join us for sessions in beatmaking, music editing.